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Chief Black Fish
(1725-1779)
Watmeme
(1730-1797)
Captain Henry Rogers
(-Abt 1803)
Chelatha Blackfish
(Abt 1761-)
William Jackson "Captain" Fish
(Abt 1760-1833)
Polly Rogers
(1782-1848/1849)

Chief Paschal "Pas-Cal-We" Fish
(1805-1894)

 

Family Links

Spouses/Children:
1. Hester Armstrong "Hetty" Zane

2. Mary Ann McClure
3. Martha Captain
4. Jane "Hoh-tha-wa-ka-se" Quinney

Chief Paschal "Pas-Cal-We" Fish 1386,1387,1388,1389,1390,1391

  • Born: 1805, Shawnee Tribe, (Kansas Territory), (United States)
  • Marriage (1): Hester Armstrong "Hetty" Zane on 14 Oct 1847
  • Marriage (2): Mary Ann McClure after 1852
  • Marriage (3): Martha Captain before 1854
  • Marriage (4): Jane "Hoh-tha-wa-ka-se" Quinney in 1859 in Kansas Territory (Kansas), United States
  • Died: 1894, Baxter Springs, Cherokee, Kansas, United States at age 89

bullet   Other names for Paschal were Andrew Jackson Fish, Andrew Jackson and Paschal Jackson.

picture

bullet  Research Notes:

From text accompanying a photograph from the Smithsonian Institution archives:
"[Leander] Jackson Fish's father [Paschal Fish] was half Shawnee, one eighth Miami and one sixteenth Delaware; his mother was one fourth Wyandot (Huron). "
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Information from the following source does not match other sources. May not be accurate:

From Historic Shawnee Names of the 1700s - http://www.shawnee-traditions.com/Names-7.html
"Fish, Paschal aka Paschal Jackson - 1/2 Shawnee Metis born about 1792 OH-died after 1854 KS - son of Fish aka William Jackson-adopted white & Shawnee Woman, moved to KS by 1832, Treaty 1854, husband 1st of Mary Ann Steele/95-Metis, 2nd of Jane Hohthawakawe/95, 3rd of Hester Armstrong Zane-Wyandot Metis, father with Mary Ann of Leander aka Leading Turtle/1814"
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From
http://skyways.lib.ks.us/genweb/archives/wyandott/history/1911/volume1/29.html (part of KSGenWeb Project)
and http://www.whatsineudora.com

Transcribed from History of Wyandotte County Kansas and its people ed. and comp. by Perl W. Morgan. Chicago, The Lewis publishing company, 1911. 2 v. front., illus., plates, ports., fold. map. 28 cm. [Vol. 2 contains biographical data. Paged continuously.]

Chapter III.
"Among others of the Shawnees who won distinction for meritorious work in aid of civilizing and educating the tribe was Paschal Fish. He was a local preacher and his brother Charles was an interpreter. They would listen to sermons preached by the white men in the missions and translate them for those of the Indians who could not understand English."

Chapter V.
"The Shawnee Indian mission was the most ambitious attempt of any Protestant church in the early times to care for the Indians of Kansas. In 1828 what was called the Fish band of Shawnee Indians was moved by the government from Ohio to Wyandotte county, Kansas. They were under the leadership of the Prophet [Ten-squat-a-way (The Open Door)], the brother of the great Tecumseh, who made his home near the spot where the town of Turner [Kansas] now stands. The following year [1829] the Reverend Thomas Johnson, a member of the Missouri conference of the Methodist church, followed the Indians to Turner, built a log house on the hill south of the Kansas river and began working among the red men as a missionary. In 1832 the rest of the Shawnee Indians from Ohio rejoined their tribe in Kansas. The government allotted them a large reservation of the best land in eastern Kansas..."

"The mission among the Delaware Indians [in Wyandotte County, Kansas] was opened in 1832 by the Reverend William Johnson and the Reverend Thomas Markham, appointed by the Missouri Conference of the Methodist Episcopal church to take charge Though the Delawares were advancing in agriculture and their fine prairie lands interspersed with timber were improved, they had but little culture. Many of the elder members of the tribe retained their ancient prejudices against Christianity and, in consequence, the membership of the Mission church was never large...

"The Mission was erected in 1832 near a spring in a beautiful grove.. on the high divide on the site of the present town of White Church, facing east... It was destroyed by a tornado on
May 11, 1886.... After the inauguration of the mission and school by the Reverend William Johnson and the Reverend Thomas B. Markham, E. T. Peery was in charge from 1833 to 1836 inclusive ... Others who were connected with it were ... the Reverend Nathan Scarrett for whom the Scarrett Bible Training School is named, and the Reverend Paschal Fish.

"In the early days a log parsonage was erected and a camp ground was laid out in which great camp meetings for the Indians were held. These camp meetings... were attended by Indians of various tribes, many coming in their blankets. Each tribe had its interpreters to follow the words of the preacher, or exhorter, and translate them into English. The two Ketchums, James and Charles, full-blood Delawares, were interpreters...

"Prominent among the Delawares was Charles Ketchum, for many years a preacher in the Methodist church... In the separation troubles, in 1845, the Delawares went with their church to the southern branch. But Charles Ketchum adhered to the northern branch, built a church himself and kept the little remnant of the flock together...

"The interpreters for the northern branch were Charles Ketchum, Paschal Fish and Isaac Johnnycake."
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Pascal "PAS-CAL-WE" FISH:
Census: 1856, #343 age 50

Notes:
100529
Title: Document granting land to Pascal Fish on behalf of other Fish family members
Description: This document, with President Buchanan's signature signed by a secretary, granted land to Pascal Fish and his family who were members of the "united tribe of Shawnee Indians." The land was granted under provisions of a treaty between the Shawnee Indians and the U. S. government signed May 10, 1854. Specific acreage in Johnson County was designated.
Dates: September 27, 1859
Number of Images: 1
Call Number: James Stanley Emery Collection, #339, Box 3, Folder Commissions 1854-1899
Location of Original: KSHS

See KHC, vol. 9, pp. 166,167. Historian Rodney Staab of Shawnee Mission, Kansas, has furnished me with an excellent account of Chief Fish written by Fern Long. Her information conflicts somewhat with other sources, but it should not be missed by anyone doing research on the Jackson/Fish family. According to her 1978 article on Chief Fish, she agrees that [William Jackson Fish] was captured as a youth and raised by the Shawnees in the band of Lewis Rogers whose daughter he married. Paschal Fish was "a large-framed man" who "also acquired the Indian ways seeming to be totally Indian." but at the same time, she says "these Shawnees had associated with white people for generations and desired a settled life with homes, schools, churches, ___and agriculture."

c) Hester Zane, lived in MO, d. 4/17/1852, bur. , m. 10/14/1846, Paschal Fish
i) Eudora Fish (1849-1877)
ii) Andrew Fish, b. 1851
iii) Leander J. Fish [b. 1852]

From Eudora Community Heritage of Our USA Bicentennial, 1776-1976
History Committee, Eudora Bicentennial Committee, 1977 :

Pages 6-11

INDIAN LANDS
The Kanza Indians, who were the native inhabitants of northeast Kansas, were of Siouan linguistic stock, having permanent villages, cornfields and gardens along the fertile river valleys of the State of Kansas. They also hunted for meat.

The United States government adopted a plan by the mid 1820's to remove Indians from east of the Mississippi River to the "vacant" lands in the west. (The lands were not vacant but were less populated and the white man kept wanting more land, as more people came to America for freedom from persecution in Europe.) The government called it "for humanitarian and political reasons"!

A treaty with the Kanza and Osage Indians (in the southeast part of the state) in 1825 restricted their territory. This led to unclaimed land west of the Missouri River. President Jackson's Indian Policy proposed voluntary emigration of the East Indians to the land west of the Mississippi river, acted on by Congress May 28, 1830 with Indians north of Ohio to relocate in Territorial Kansas reservations which were offered to 27 Tribes, including the Shawnee.

THE SHAWNEE INDIAN TRIBE
The Shawnee Indian Tribes were settled in the eastern part of North America forested areas of Ohio, Tennessee, Pennsylvania and West Virginia, since the mid-1700's. They spoke the Algonquian language and were tribally related to the Sauk and the Fox Tribes.
Most Shawnees had migrated west to Ohio by 1786 when the Government moved the Indians west of the Mississippi river, by the Indian Removal Act of 1830, when they were forced to the smaller reservation in Kansas.

Chief Cornstalk and Chief Tecumseh struggled to hold their land (Battle of Tippecanoe) but were defeated. The Shawnee Prophet, brother of Tecumseh, peacefully accepted the proposition.

The United Tribe of Shawnees started coming to Kansas in 1825 to the Shawnee Township, Wyandotte County. By 1828 most were moved, but much of the Tribe of the Fish came in 1831. The Fish Tribe had children educated in a Friends Mission school in Ohio. The Shawnee Indian Chief, Paschal Fish, Sr., was white and raised with Indians.

The Shawnee Reservation was from the Missouri River on the east, to the Republican River on the west, south of the Kansas River, about 150 miles long and 20 to 30 miles wide. It was almost the same size as the Delaware reservation on the north side of the Kaw River. The Reservation included a quarter of Shawnee County and Geary Counties, one third of Morris County, half of Waubaunsee, one-fifth of northern Franklin and Miami counties and all of Douglas and Johnson counties.

The Fish Tribe settled near Kansas City before moving to Eudora. At Shawnee Mission, called Johnson's Mission at first, the Fish family helped at the school operated by the Methodist Church, 1830-1862, arriving with 40 Indians and five whites. Paschal Fish, Sr., [William Jackson Fish]died there in 1834 [October 1833].

THE FISH TRIBE
The namesake of Paschal Fish, Sr. [William Jackson Fish], assumed leadership of the Fish Tribe at age 33 [abt 1793]. Paschal, Jr., was also known by his white name of Andrew Jackson. Paschal is not an Indian name but means Easter or Passion, and could have been given him at the Friends Mission school he attended in Ohio. Paschal was also spelled Passel, Pascal, Paschal, Pascal and Pestle. He was listed on the 1854 Indian census rolls for the Shawnee Tribe as 50 years of age. He had a wife, Martha, age 40, son Obadiah age 12 years, Eudora (Udder) age 9, and Leander Jackson age 7. In 1860 Mary T. was listed as a member of the family of the original deed in Eudora, so may have been born after the census. Paschal also had a foster son, an orphan, who came here and received the same portion of land as his own children, according to an early deed and abstract. His first one or two wives apparently died and he married Mary Ann Steele (nee McClure). A daughter, Jane Q. was born, but died in 1873.

Pastel's brother Charles [b. abt 1815] also lived here and was 41 years old on the [1854] census roll. He must have been married and had a child, as early city records list him paying a fine for a child in 1862 and 1864. A Jesse Fish paid $3.00 in 1863 and no mention of any relationship to Paschal or Charles. John also lived here and was an influential member of the Tribe. There was also a Julia Fish, who was the wife of Leander Jackson.

In 1837-38 Paschal was listed as a blacksmith and gunsmith assistant at Fort Leavenworth. In 1847-52 he served preaching assignments in Eudora, Shawnee Mission and the Chicago Mission (near Weston, Mo.).

Northern Methodist Church Shawnee Indian members of Shawnee Mission who came to Eudora area were the Fish family, James Captain, Wm. Rogers, Crane, Parks, (Joe and Wm.) and the Bluejackets (Chas. Geo. and Henry.)

Paschal and other prominent Indians kept open house for early day travelers to and through Eudora on the Westport-Fremont Trail from the northeast and from the Oregon trail on the southeast, going west to Lawrence, Oregon and California.

Paschal Fish has been described as kind, friendly, educated, speaking English well, but sometimes signed his name with an X. On the Eudora deed when he sold to the German Settlement Society he wrote legibly. He probably moved to this area in the 1840's, although the land here was not given to Tribe members until the Treaty of May 10, 1854, when the Government provided 200 acres to each member of the chief's family, to be selected from the Shawnee reservation. Paschal chose 1172 1/2 acres, where the Wakarusa river joins the Kaw. They were given the right to sell their land, and he sold 774 1/2 acres in 1857 to Chicago Settlement Company.

Paschal and brother Charles operated a ferry boat across the Kansas River near the mouth of the Wakarusa. The legislature licensed him to operate the ferry a mile up and a mile down stream. DeSoto had the next ferry to the east. In 1846 a portion of Doniphan's expedition to Mexico crossed the river at Eudora on a ferry. His home was said to be where the Bob Lothholz's live, 1 mile east. These ferry boats were large flat scows (or piroughs) manned by Indians dressed in colorful shirts, shawls and headbands.

In 1854 Paschal Fish built a thatched roof hotel (store, tavern, Inn), called the Fish House, located on the 1857 Territorial Map. It was about a mile south of the river in Block no. 154, Lot no. 9 at about 17th and Main St. on the property recently sold by Mrs. Francis Skinner, half to the Highway Department for the new no. 10 highway and half to a builder. The Fish House provided meager accommodations to travelers on the early trails. An early account of an overnight stay says the sleeping room was 16' x 16' with 32 people sleeping in a mass on the floor. There was one bed with prairie hay mattress, six chairs and a fireplace, and it was overcrowded! Bedding was buffalo hides or bedding from wagons. The Territorial Governor of Kansas, Andrew Redder had to go south to Blanton's Bridge to cross, due to high water on Wakarusa and a Company of pro-slavery men at Franklin. He reached the Fish House at daylight, hiding his horse and carriage and staying hid. He left the next day. The hotel was a polling place in 1855. Reports reveal a blacksmith shop and grocery or general store in connection with the hotel. The building was later enlarged.

City records state that Paschal Fish went to Washington D.C. for the city, after Eudora was settled [in 1857]. Also there was Chief Johnny Cake living in Eudora area who went to see "the Great White Father", according to an article written by Mary E. Mosher, who lived here in 1865-66. There was also an interpreter, Charlie King, who could have been Charlie Fish. She wrote that a number of the Indians lived in houses of the best class, spoke good English, being educated in Mission schools.
-----------------------
Under Other Flags / Indian Lands / Oregon Trail / Mission / Becomes a City / Sad Years / Railroads / Business / Education
Published by West Junior High, NEH project, with permission of the Eudora Community Heritage, History Committee, Eudora Bicentennial Commission, 1977.

page 449
194. Long, Fern. "Revised Indian History re: Pascal Fish, Sr." Eudora Enterprise [Eudora, KS] June 22, 1978, 4A. This the first of three articles, traces the descendants of the Shawnee chief Pascal Fish, Sr., [William Jackson Fish] who brought the Lewis Rogers band of Shawnees from Missouri to the present day Kansas City area in 1830. According to information given here, this band was a portion of the Shawnees who had migrated to Missouri in 1784, settling on a branch of the Meramac River (while a majority settles around Cape Girardeau about 1803). A descendant, Charles Fish, was an interpreter at Dr. Abraham Still's Friends' Wakarusa Mission.
-------------------------
This woman may not have been related:
Jane "HOH-THA-WAH-KA-SE" UNKNOWN:
Census: 1856, #523 age 24

Footnotes
International Genealogical Index (R) [164 ] (February 7, 2005).
Fish-1805.ged [148 ].
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.
Ibid.
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.
Ibid.
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.
International Genealogical Index (R) [164 ] (February 7, 2005).
Fish-1805.ged [148 ].
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.
Ibid.
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.
Ibid.
Date of Import: 7 Feb 2005.

**************************************

From Exiles and Pioneers: Eastern Indians in the Trans-Mississippi West by John P. Bowes (New York, 2007)
pp. 1-3:
"For example, a letter written in April 1850 by six Shawnee men. Charles Fish, Paschal Fish, James Captain, John Fish, Crane, and William Rogers wrote to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Orlando Brown from their homes south of the Kansas River just west of the Missouri border. Their seven-page missive detailed a number of complaints against the Methodists living and working on their reserve. Among other misdeeds, the missionaries had bribed and corrupted members of the Shawnee Council and neglected the children who attended their manual labor school. 'The truth cannot be concealed,' the six Shawnees proclaimed, 'they [the Methodists] have departed from their legitimate office and have become "money changers."' But this accusation did not complete the list of grievances. The missionaries had also sided with proslavery forces in the recent split of the Methodist Episcopal Church. They then proceeded to harass those Shawnees who supported the antislavery Methodists and would not allow a northern preacher on the reserve. Charles Fish and his partners had a simple question for Commissioner Brown: 'Shall we who live on free soil enjoy less liberty than the citizens of a slave state?'

"...Multilayered relationships in eastern Kansas influenced those six Shawnee men. An internal power struggle with a faction of Ohio Shawnees partially explains the written attack against the Methodists. But the choice of words is also telling. Charles Fish and his compatriots charged the missionaries with abandoning their religious principles and becoming 'money changers.' The very use of the phrase, perhaps a reference to the men Jesus threw out of the temple in a familiar Biblical event, highlights the background of at least two of the Shawnees. Both Charles and his brother Paschal attended mission schools in their youth, and while Charles translated for missionaries in the 1840s, Paschal often preached at the services. Finally, in their references to slavery these men displayed a clear understanding of past legislation and contemporary politics. They knew the Missouri Compromise prohibited slavery in their region and wanted it known that both missionaries and Shawnee leaders were in direct violation of that legislation."

p. 109:
"The number of ...government-appointed positions increased dramatically with the establishment of reserves and Indian agencies in the western territories. In 1838 alone, the Fort Leavenworth Agency employed eight different mixed-descent men... Among [the seven who worked as assistant blacksmiths] were Paschal Fish, Charles Fish and Nelson Rogers, all products of relations between Anglo-American men taken captive as children and Shawnee women they later married. At Indian agencies throughout the trans-Mississippi West, men like Tiblow, the Fish brothers, and Rogers performed services as interpreters and as assistant blacksmiths for salaries that by the early 1850s reached up to $400 per year."

pp. 112-113:
"A prevalent business in the 1840s entailed charging American travelers for passage across the creeks and rivers that impeded their journey along the various trails that originated in the Missouri border towns... Wyandots, Shawnees, Potawatomis, and Delawares all ran small ferries at the various rivers in eastern Kansas that coursed across both their reserves and the popular emigration trails... Only a few miles east of the Potawatomi reserve, Paschal and Charles Fish, two Anglo-Shawnee brothers, also operated a ferry on the Kansas River. They benefitted not only from emigrant travel but also from the U.S. soldiers that required the Indian flatboats on their way to Mexico in 1846.

"Paschal Fish did more than just operate a ferry, however. He took advantage of other traveler needs and by the 1850s transformed his home into an inn. Located approximately ten miles east of present-day Lawrence, his two-story house greeted weary travelers in need of food and a place to rest their heads. Although the creaking cottonwood boards did not always inspire confidence in the stability of the second floor, and competition for the single washbasin and square mirror often delayed morning preparations, the inn nevertheless received satisfactory evaluations. A hot breakfast, complete with fresh biscuits and coffee, was served, and it sent travelers on their way. Fish also owned a small store and cultivated approximately one hundred acres of corn and thirty acres of oats. Wagon train drivers told visitors stories of this Shawnee man who 'don't drink a drop of whiskey' and who sat on his porch with his hat on, 'in a ruminating mood.' Although these drivers may have tried to make their stories more colorful with such descriptions, it remained clear that informed travelers in the 1850s knew of Paschal Fish and the services he provided."

p.167:
"Federal misconceptions about Shawnee society and politics compounded [disagreements about title and rights of occupancy of the Western Reserve.] Most treaties failed to recognize the numerous bands that comprised the larger Shawnee community. The Missouri Shawnees, under which designation the Fish, Rogerstown, Apple Creek, and Cape Girardeau bands fell, were not a homogeneous entity with shared political interests. Neither were the Ohio Shawnees, whose membership included the Wapakoneta, Hog Creek, Huron River, and Lewistown bands. Many of these competing interests played out during the relocation to the Kansas River reserve. The Cape Girardeau band believed that government commissioners had misled them about the 1825 treaty and argued that they had never agreed to allow any Ohio Shawnees to settle on the western lands. As a result, a portion of the Shawnees under the leadership of Black Bob did not move to eastern Kansas and instead settled along the White River in Arkansas. Meanwhile, the Rogerstown and Fish bands traveled directly to eastern Kansas, where successive parties of Oh9io Shawnees joined them over the next several years. A more complete reunion in 1833 occurred only through intimidation. Black Bob's band still had no desire to move to the Kansas River."

pp. 169-171:
"For the better part of the first three decades they resided on the reserve, the Shawnees also used the Christian missions as a channel for their political struggles. From 1830 to the late 1850s, the Shawnees attempted to control the access and impact of missionaries. Negotiations with the Baptists, Methodist, and Quakers had begun even before the arrival of the Wapakoneta and Hog Creek Shawnees. Unfortunately, at least in the missionaries' eyes, the Shawnees in the West refused to limit themselves to the services of only one denomination. Several headmen welcomed both day and boarding schools, all the while stressing their interest in the services the missionaries provided as opposed to the theology the ministers preached. Although the struggles regarding education and religion did not always involve the larger internal conflicts, such battles more often than not reflected the political divisions on the reserve.

"In the summer of 1830, the Methodists and the Baptists answered the call for a missionary among the Shawnees. A Missouri Shawnee chief named Fish spoke to the local Indian Agent, George Vashon, and requested a missionary establishment to educate the children of his band. Fish, also known as William Jackson, was a white man raised among the Shawnees since childhood. He and his band relocated to eastern Kansas from Missouri in 1828, and now wanted a school. Vashon quickly responded to this request and passed along the message to Reverend Jesse Green, the Presiding Elder for the Missouri District of the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC). As the letter made its way to Green, however, another missionary intruded. Isaac McCoy entered the Shawnee reserve in August 1830 while on a survey expedition for the Delawares. Themissionary and his two sons encouraged the Shawnees to accept a Baptist mission. Tenskwatawa ["the Shawnee Prophet"], Captain Peter Cornstalk, Captain William Perry, and the other assembled Shawnees appeared pleased with his offer. After the formal council, McCoy also spoke with Fish, at which time the Shawnee headman reiterated his desire for a mission school. But this meeting did not alter his first agreement. Fish's band would have a Methodist school and the Ohio Shawnees would have a Baptist school. In September 1830 the Methodists organized their mission and appointed Thomas Johnson as its supervisor. Johnston Lykins, McCoy's son-in-law, crossed the Mississippi in July 1831 and commenced construction on the Baptist mission.

"...arguments between the Baptists and Methodists were pointless because most Shawnees did not dwell on theological differences. Shawnee parents saw an opportunity for their children to learn to read, write, and gain skills that would give them an advantage in future interactions with American citizens and society. As a result, they protested when any missionary appeared to stray. In May 1833, John Perry, William Perry, and Peter Cornstalk complained to William Clark about the Methodists. Rather than dwelling on issues of religion, these Shawnee leaders criticized Thomas Johnson for meddling in their affairs... They even made it clear that although they had given leave to Johnson to set up a school for fish's band, they did not want him 'to meddle himself with our people.' Yet, the Shawnees' displeasure extended to the Baptists as well. At two different points in 1834 the tribal council requested that the government remove all missionaries from their lands. Isaac McCoy questioned this decision, and he implied that white men in the vicinity unduly influenced the Shawnees against the missionaries. Putting aside his differences with his religious adversaries, McCoy insisted that the majority of the western Shawnees accepted and desired the Baptists and the Methodists.

"By blaming Shawnee complaints on outside meddlers, McCoy ignored both the content of the Indians' initial requests and the missionaries' initial failure to follow through on their promises. When Fish spoke to Agent Vashon in the summer of 1830, he asked for a mission to educate the children. The Shawnee chief's son, Paschal, already had some schooling, and the headman wanted the other children in his band to learn as well. Although other Shawnee leaders did not take the same initiative as Fish, they acceded to the missionary presence, and some welcomed the educational opportunity for their children."

p. 173:
"Twenty-seven Shawnees attended regularly during the [Methodists' Manual Labor School's] first year in 1839. Over the next decade, the number rose only slightly, reaching thirty-six in 1851. Four years later, according to Johnson's records, the attendance of Shawnee children reached eighty-seven. These affiliations extended beyond the children and into the participation and conversion of adults. Although [William Jackson] Fish died in October 1834, his sons Paschal and Charles followed the wishes of their father. Paschal served as a class leader at the mission meetings by 1838, exhorted in public the following year, and became a licensed preacher in 1843. Lewis and William Rogers joined Paschal at the meetings in the late 1830s and early 1840s, which meant that the Rogerstown band also had a presence. The Rogerses were sons of Lewis Rogers, a white captive, and the daughter of the Shawnee chief Blackfish. The two boys and their brothers had gone to a Methodist school in Kentucky, which no doubt influenced their affiliation. Meanwhile, Waywaleapy continued to participate in the Methodist meetings and even spoke during religious services. Although Methodist Shawnees were still a significant minority, their participation illustrated the ability of Johnson and his colleagues to transcend tribal politics."

pp. 174-175:
The Methodist Episcopal Church "split in 1845 into a northern and a southern division, neither side willing to compromise [on the issue of slavery]. Without hesitation, Thomas Johnson affiliated himself and the school with the southern [proslavery] faction.

"The rift in the church revived the divisions within the Shawnee Methodists. By the following year [1846] Shawnees with antislavery leanings began to keep their children out of the Manual Labor School. Then in 1849, approximately eight-five Shawnees petition the MEC North to send them a preacher so that they could continue to hold services. Reverend Thomas Markham's arrival brought a quick response. Indian Agent Luke Lea notified the minister that the Shawnee Council wanted the northern preacher off the reserve... Markham's supporters countered quickly. In a communication to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Orlando Brown, Paschal Fish, Charles Fish, and William Rogers railed against Johnson's stance and argued that Lea overstepped the authority of his office. 'We as an independent people chose to remain in the old church,' they declared. More important, the Fish brothers and Rogers declared that the Shawnee council had gone too far. They asked that the Shawnee chiefs be informed, 'that this [religious affiliation] is a matter over which they have no right to control.'"

pp. 176-177:
"[In 1851] the Shawnees adopted a republican form of government, a move that heralded a more substantial transformation. This new governing structure contained seven elected officials: a head chief, a second chief, and five council members. Elections took place every autumn... A delegation of Shawnees, including Black Bob, protested to U.S. officials only a few years after the change. Rather than welcoming an elective government, Black Bob and his supporters believed that the old hereditary chief would best represent the tribe's interests..."

p. 177:
"[Joseph] Parks became the first elected chief in 1852 and over the next two years came under fire [from Black Bob and other like-minded Shawnees supporting the traditional hereditary chief system] for appearing to promote a new treaty with U.S. officials. But his position at the head of a new republican government recognized by the United States made the new chief difficult to depose or even oppose. Knowing that they lacked the power to initiate change from within, a delegation of six Shawnees visited the Kansas Agency in October 1853. Thomas Captain and Charles Bluejacket joined the familiar leading men of the Missouri bands, Charles Fish, Paschal Fish, Henry Rogers, and William Rogers, in protesting the future plans of their principal chief. They had heard that Parks was preparing to hire a frequent business partner of his, a lawyer named Richard w. Thompson, to draw up a treaty to send to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. From all appearances, their complaints went unanswered. Indeed, it helped the U.S. government to have the Shawnee principal chief amenable to a treaty at a time when American expansion had become both desired and unavoidable.

"As the Shawnees faced the prospect of an organized Kansas Territory in 1854, they remained as divided as they had been when they first arrived on the reserve."

p. 222:
"Contests over authority among the Shawnees after 1854 were imbalanced. The Shawnees who held their lands in severalty dominated the elected council. Although Ohio Shawnees formed the core of this group, the leadership ranks included men of mixed descent who nominally belonged to the Missouri faction. Graham Rogers a member of the Council in the 1850s and the elected principal chief in 1865, was one of the more prominent of these Missouri-born Shawnees who accepted allotment and allied with the Ohio faction. He was the son of Lewis Rogers, a white man adopted by the Shawnees in the 1700s, and Parlie Blackfish, the daughter of the Shawnee leader Blackfish. Along with other members of the Shawnee band that once lived at Rogerstown, Graham and his family had settled along the Kansas River in 1828. He and other members of the Rogers band allied with the leading members of the Ohio Shawnees."

pp. 223-226:
"[During the Civil War, b]oth the Black Bob and Absentee Shawnees disputed the right of the Ohio faction to control the lands in Kansas, especially since the 1825 treaty that established the Western Reserve bore the marks of Missouri Shawnees.

"...In 1861, the Confederacy sent Albert Pike on a diplomatic mission to Indian territory. Southern sympathizers, Creek Indians among them, harassed the Absentee Shawnees when the latter refused to ally with the confederacy. Rather than endure this harassment, the Shawnees left Indian Territory and traveled north to Kansas... By the summer of 1863, the migration of Absentee Shawnees had increased the population of the refugee settlements on the Black Bob lands to more than one hundred and fifty men, women, and children. In the winter of 1864 the community expanded again when five hundred to seven hundred Shawnees fled their homes along the Kansas-Missouri and Kansas-Indian Territory borders.

"With this refugee infusion, the more traditional element now had the numbers to opposed the severalty Shawnees Approximately five hundred and forty Absentees resided in Kansas by the fall of 1863, and together with the Black Bob Shawnees, this mixed band totaled nearly seven hundred and seventy... Although voting normally took place in the fall, the 1862 elections were postponed to January 1863 because of wartime unrest. But when the Shawnees came together at DeSoto on January 12, a disagreement arose as to the manner of elections and those who would be allowed to participate... Now the Black Bobs argued that 'all Shawnees that held their land in severalty were citizens, and had no rights in the tribe.' In a decisive move, they held a separate election. On January 14 these Missouri Shawnees gathered at Paschal Fish's house and elected Black Bob as head chief and Paschal Fish as assistant chief. In the election report sent to President Abraham Lincoln, this alternate leadership argued their case in simple terms. 'Which shall govern,' they asked, 'the majority or the minority[?]' From their position the proper answer was clear. Yet, neither Lincoln nor any other federal official viewed this election as legitimate and did not alter their relationship with the Ohio Shawnee Council. Nevertheless Paschal Fish continued to assert the rights and authority of the Missouri Shawnees even after Black Bob's death in 1864.

"The Ohio Shawnees eagerly cast Paschal Fish as a hypocrite. He not only owned land in severalty, they pointed out, but had also served as an elected member of the Shawnee Council at various times from 1852 to 1860. Fish and his family had accepted allotments under the terms of the 1854 treaty. He had also actively participated in the republican government before his sudden passion for Black Bob's cause. Indeed, the Shawnees elected Paschal Fish as their principal chief in the fall of 1859. However, Fish resigned in disgrace less than a year into his tenure. 'A charge was made against him,' Charles Bluejacket explained, 'of receiving a bribe of one thousand dollars to induce him to pay to certain claimants a large sum of money belonging to the tribe.' Apparently the evidence was damning enough to force Fish's resignation. According to Bluejacket, Fish became an enemy of the Council from that point forward, and in Black Bob the former headman found a person and a cause to manipulate. Because Fish had attended a missionary school as a child and even became a Methodist preacher, his western education far surpassed that of most in the Black Bob band, and an intermediary role presented opportunities to influence negotiations. Critics of Fish also attacked his association with Abelard Guthrie. Guthrie, the Wyandot by adoption who claimed in the 1860s that he alone was responsible for the organization of Kansas Territory, was often accused in the 1860s of meddling in Shawnee affairs. Charles Bluejacket and others viewed Guthrie as a blowhard and an opportunist taking advantage of dissension to promote a personal agenda.

"Consequently, Paschal Fish's leadership may have had the unfortunate consequence of undermining the legitimacy of Missouri Shawnee opposition. At the very least, his participation made it easier for federal officials to ignore the voices of those Shawnees determined to assert traditional rights to leadership. Fish's personal history as a speculator and disgraced principal chief overshadowed the fact that the Missouri Shawnees had long seen themselves as the proper leaders based on the ancient divisions. But it is also likely that the federal government would have held the same position regardless of Fish's participation. Federal officials had consistently revealed a desire to promote 'government chiefs' and to create single polities from the multiple bands and villages of Indians who once populated he southern Great Lakes region. Rather than negotiating separately with several leaders, federal agents and commissioners had long advocated centralized native governments with at least nominal authority to make business decisions. Paschal Fish's presence would not necessarily have altered their position."

pp.231-232:
"From 1857, when government surveyors finalized selections among the Kansas Shawnees, to 1866, allotment, warfare, sales, and taxation separated most Shawnees from at least a portion of their original selection. Although numerous factors made the process of dispossession seemingly complex, the actual equation was simple. Conditions in Kansas made it difficult for anyone but the wealthy to hold on to their allotments. Before 1860, land sales occurred primarily at the instigation of prosperous Shawnees. As early as July 1857 local officials reported that, 'a number of the principal men of the tribe such as the Chief Joseph Parks, Blue Jacket and others are buying out those that will sell.' they key question was whether the federal government would validate such exchanges, and how soon the Office of Indian Affairs would permit sales to white men. Paschal Fish in particular intended to profit from eager and prosperous emigrants. In the winter of 1856-1857, he met three German speculators who traveled from Chicago to Kansas to purchase land on which they might establish a town. After a brief negotiation, the three men arranged to buy a large section at the mouth of the Wakarusa River. According to the contract, the town company would survey all of the eight hundred acres purchased from Fish. In a canny business move, however, fish sold the men only half of the acreage and retained the remaining four hundred acres in alternating sections on the surveyed town site. Then, in February 1858, the Shawnee real estate mogul sent a letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs James Denver requesting a patent in fee simple for the land he and his family selected under the 1854 treaty. 'I propose to sell all or a portion of my lands to a company of men from Chicago, Illinois who intend to build up a town,' Fish explained, 'and unless you shall favorably regard my request I shall be unable to retain them here and my lands and those of my neighbors will lose the plus value they might acquire by the instance of that town.' Yet this communication was nothing more than a formality. The Chicago group settled, built, and populated the town of Eudora, [Kansas] appropriately named after one of Fish's daughters. Following the lead of the Territorial Legislature, Governor Samuel Medary approved Eudora's charter in February 1859. The only hindrance to the town's existence was the fact that Fish still had not received an official deed to his land from the federal government by the summer of 1859.

"... an act passed by Congress and approved in March 1859 set a number of conditions to be met before an Indian could sell off part of his or her allotment. These conditions included a certificate of competency signed by two chiefs of the individual's tribe as well as a certificate from the appropriate Indian Agent. If these and other steps were not fulfilled, the Secretary of the Interior could reject the deed. As illustrated by Paschal Fish, however, federal inaction did not necessarily hinder land transfers. This lax system cut both ways. Land sales helped Shawnees in desperate need of money to purchase food and clothing in the early 1860s. Yet the ease with which deeds were written and ownership transferred also made it easier for Shawnees to lose their allotments."

pp.238-239:
"[On] June 7, 1869, the Shawnee Council reached an agreement with the Cherokees, whereby the Shawnees would pay the Cherokees approximately $50,000 and would become members of the Cherokee Nation. The severalty Shawnees thus became Cherokee-Shawnees. President Grant approved this agreement on June 9, and the Shawnees arranged the disposal of their Kansas territory. Because of this agreement, the Shawnees, through their former agent and current attorney James Abbott, requested that 'the rules and regulations for the conveyance of their lands be so modified as to permit them to dispose of all their lands.' By 1871, seven hundred and seventy Shawnees resided within the boundaries of the Cherokee Nation.

"Even as they struggled to reach this agreement, the Shawnee Council battled with the Black Bob Shawnees over the latter's thirty-three thousand acre reserve. By 1865, squatters had laid claim to most of that land. Then in 1866, right before his term ended, Shawnee Agent James Abbott issued patents to individual plots on the reserve to sixty-nine Black Bob Shawnees. Most of the plots were promptly sold to persons other than the squatters. The resulting conflicting claims placed the Black Bob band in the middle of a legal battle that lasted into the 1880s. Paschal Fish argued that Abbott had issued fraudulent patents and that the subsequent sales should not be recognized. Further investigation by Kansas officials supported Fish's accusations. 'I never applied for a patent to my land,' a Shawnee named Wahkachawa testified in July 1869, 'nor never authorized any one to do so for me; I am opposed to the issuance of patents.' On the same day Wahkachawa registered his complaint, Jim Jacob and John Perry informed Justice of the Peach for Johnson County Sherman Kellogg that at least three of the Black Bobs who reportedly requested patents had been dead for years.

"...When a series of appeals and lawsuits by squatters and other interested parties kept the issue alive, the Black Bob Shawnees chose to leave Kansas without obtaining any satisfactory resolution. Rather than wait for financial closure that might never come, most of the Black Bobs moved to Indian Territory."

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From http://www.kansasheritage.org/werner/tavern.html - Hotels, Taverns and Stage Stations:
Fish's Hotel 1850's, Eudora, KT. Pascal Fish, Prop. At jct. of ferry road and Westport & Lawrence road, near center of S8 T13S R23E. (KHQ V.2 P.276)

and
from http://www.kansasheritage.org/werner/ferry.html - Fords, Ferries and Bridges:
Fish's Ferry 1845 on Kansas River at present Eudora. Pascal Fish, Prop. Units of Col. Stephen W. Kearny's Army of the West crossed here in 1846. Eudora P.O.1857, Frederick Metzeke, postmaster. (KHQ v.2 p.276; Barry p.558, 585, etc.)

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From http://www.accessgenealogy.com/native/kansas/ :
Shawnee . In 1825 the Shawnee residing in Missouri received a grant of land along the south side of Kansas River, west of the boundary of Missouri. In 1831 they were joined by another body of Shawnee who had formerly lived at Wapaghkonnetta and on Hog Creek, Ohio. In 1854 nearly all of this land was re-ceded to the United States Government and the tribe moved to Indian Territory, the present Oklahoma. (See Tennessee .)
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From The Emigrant Tribes: Wyandot, Delaware & Shawnee, A Chronology by Larry Hancks:
1858 - January 1; Paschal Fish is elected Head Chief of the Shawnee Nation, replacing Captain Joseph Parks. Fish owns and operates a trading store and ferry on the site of the present town of Eudora (named for his daughter), some 6 miles east of Lawrence.

bullet  Birth Notes:

www.whatsineudora.com has birth year as 1805.

Historic Names of the Shawnee in the 1700s - http://www.shawnee-traditions.com/Names-7.html
has b. abt 1792 in Ohio.

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bullet  Noted events in his life were:

Legislation: Indian Removal Act passed by Congress, 28 May 1830, Washington, District of Columbia, United States. Source: The Emigrant Tribes: Wyandot, Delaware & Shawnee, A Chronology by Larry Hancks, http://www.wyandow.org/emigrant.htm (5/21/08)

Residence, by 1832, Kansas Territory (Kansas), United States.

Established: Wakarusa Indian Mission, 1848, Eudora, Kansas, United States.

Sold: 800 acres to German Settlement Society, Feb 1857, (Eudora, Kansas, United States). Chicago Settlement Co.

Correspondence: Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20 Apr 1850. Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs protesting Agent Lea's order to Rev. Markham signed by several prominent Shawnee, including William Rodgers and Paschal Fish.

Treaty: Ceded Land along the south side of Kansas River, west of the boundary of Missouri back to United States, 10 May 1854. Paschal Fish was one of the signers of the treaty, in addition to Charles Fish, Joseph Parks, Black Hoof, Graham Rogers, Henry Blue Jacket, Jackson Rogers, Black Bob and several other persons. In 1854 nearly all of this land was re-ceded to the United States Government and the tribe moved to Indian Territory, the present Oklahoma.

Census: of Shawnee, 1854. Paschal Fish age 50
Martha, wife, 40
Obediah, 12
Eudora, 9
Leander Jackson, 7

Census, 1856. Age 50

Bought back: the odd-numbered lots of at least three blocks between the Kaw and Wakarusa rivers, Feb 1857.

Incorporated: Eudora, Kansas, incorporated as a city, Fall 1858, Eudora, Kansas, United States.

Elected: Elected Head Chief of the Shawnee Nation, 1 Jan 1858. Served 1 year

Deed, 1860, Eudora, Kansas, (United States). Daughter Mary T. Fish listed on deed.

Represented: city of Eudora, Kansas, May 1860, Washington, District of Columbia, United States. From Eudora city council minutes:
March 17, 1860-"The Mayor presented for consideration the problem of investigating whether the city is justified in collecting real estate taxes, and in selling the lots which have accrued to the city through nonpayment of the assessed taxes, Tabled."

Census: U.S, 16 Jul 1870, Eudora, Douglas, Kansas, United States. 1381 Fish Paschall, 65, M, Indian, Indian Chief, real estate $2600, presonal estate $350, b. Missouri, unable to vote
Fish Jane, 50, F, Indian, no occupation, b. Missouri, cannot read, cannot write
Fish Leander, 18, M, Indian, no occupation, b. Kansas, cannot read, cannot write

Moved: From Eudora to Indian Territory near Miami, Oklahoma, 1870, Miami, (Ottawa), Oklahoma Territory (Oklahoma), United States.


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Paschal married Hester Armstrong "Hetty" Zane, daughter of General Isaac W. Zane, Jr. and Hanna Dickison, on 14 Oct 1847. (Hester Armstrong "Hetty" Zane was born in 1816 in Champaign Co., Ohio, United States, died on 17 Apr 1852 in <Wyandotte, Kansas>, United States and was buried in Huron Indian Cemetery-Wyandotte National Burial Grounds, Kansas City, Wyandotte, Kansas, United States.)


bullet  Marriage Notes:

Date may have been 14 Oct 1846

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Paschal next married Mary Ann McClure after 1852. (Mary Ann McClure was born about 1795.)


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Paschal next married Martha Captain before 1854. (Martha Captain was born about 1814.)


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Paschal next married Jane "Hoh-tha-wa-ka-se" Quinney in 1859 in Kansas Territory (Kansas), United States. (Jane "Hoh-tha-wa-ka-se" Quinney was born about 1820 in Missouri, United States and died in 1873.)


bullet  Marriage Notes:

Source:
http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=:2394013&id=I3288



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